“We’ll Always Have Paris”

As one takes a relaxing promenade through Paris, a pattern begins to emerge while navigating the streets of this bustling city. Unlike cities such as DC or New York where streets are often organized in a system way, alphabetically in DC and numerically in New York, Parisian métros and streets take on events and names of the past. Through the systematic naming of métros and streets, as well as the integration of monuments into normal Parisian life, the entire city is thus transformed from a normal big city to a space of memory and commemoration.

The first reason Paris can be called a city of memory and commemoration is based on the sheer number of commemorative sites throughout the city. Going down the list of the city’s most popular sites yields a plethora of commemorative locales. On my bike ride home from church this morning, I was guided by many of these commemorative sites, beginning in Montparnasse and ending in the 17th arrondisment. Sans carte I rode my velib’ across town, with Les Invalides, La Tour Eiffel, Les Champs-Elysées, and Sacre Coeur as my guides. As I was guided by these sites, I was struck by the significant role each of these sites has played in the memory and commemoration of French history and culture. Although they have become normal for me to see, they represent so much more than guideposts for finding one’s way home. Some might see the normalization of these sites as a sign that they have lost their commemorative value and are now just tourist sites; however, I see their integration into normal Parisian life as a sign that they are of great value to the collective memory and consciousness of the French. For example, while to a tourist, Les Champs-Elysées is the hub for a French shopping spree, to the French it represents so much more. It represents the hub of pride for la Patrie, a place where the Nazi’s arrived to occupy and De Gaulle arrived to liberate. Similarly, locations of cultural interest for tourists like Place de La Concorde and Le Palais du Louvre represent to the French the rich history of France’s shift from monarchy to republic, the former being the site of purging the past, the later a nation’s reminder of the tyranny of that past. To note that these sites serve different purposes for Parisians and tourists is not to say one purpose is better than the other. Instead it is conversely to show their true importance as sites which while sometimes cliché have affirmed importance through their appeal to tourists and Parisians alike.

The second way in which Paris represents a space of memory and commemoration is through the naming of rues and places. While the naming of streets and squares after famous people is nothing new in urban planning, the manner in which these spaces are marked in Paris sets them apart from other eponymous spaces in cities worldwide. Take the name of a street I often frequented last semester, Avenue Émile Zola. The street is marked as AVENUE ÉMILE ZOLA along with a short note about who Zola was underneath. This short description is interesting to note, but for those who have an understanding of French history and Zola’s role as both an author and intellectual mind, the intersection of Zola’s avenue with Place Alfred Dreyfus is much more than a coincidence. Ingeniously placed to intersect, La Place and L’Avenue show the intersection of an intellectual (Zola) who came to the defense of a wrongly accused French officer (Dreyfus). In this sense, the street signs serve to commemorate a part of French history in a nuanced way. In other cases, street signs overtly recognize the contributions of many people to French society. Boulevard Haussmann is tightly linked with the revolution in city planning which occurred under the direction of Haussmann. In addition to streets named after famous Frenchmen, some streets recognize those whose contributions to society may have otherwise been lost. For example, there are nearly 100 Parisian streets, squares, or boulevards named after mathematicians. ("JOC/EFR" 1-5) By including common and famous names alike as well as making references to nuanced events in French history such as the Dreyfus Affair, the city becomes a treasure chest of history and information at every corner.

The final way in which Paris serves as a space of memory and commemoration is through métro stations. Choose any métro line, and you will be transported across French history. For example, on line 1, you can hit some of the highlights of French history, from Le Palais du Louvre, Bastille and ending at Charles de Gaulle-Étoile. And viola, you have just made it all the way from the Monarchy to the Revolution to the end of World War II! While these are three obvious examples of historical naming, there are also references to less famous historical events and people throughout the system. Several metro stops refer to Napoleon’s conquests—Austerlitz, Place d’Italie, and Pyramides to name a few. Other stations are named after artists, intellectuals, and military figures such as Picasso, Avenue Émile Zola, Denfert-Rochereau. In addition to referring to these events and people, the Paris métro system goes a step further by placing signs with historical points of interest regarding the name of the métro station or neighborhood where it is located. Therefore, it may be possible to learn quite a bit about French history simply by riding the métro and stopping to look at these historical reference points along the way. In conjunction with understanding the historical significance of the current métro names, it is also interesting to note how station names have changed over the last century. The most interesting examples are the changes of Berlin to Liège and Allemagne to Jaurès following World War I as well as the change of Marboeuf to Franklin D. Roosevelt following World War II. ("Histoire en ligne" 1-15) These changes not only hold significance in their names like the other station names, but also indicate the historical and political circumstances under which they were changed. Given the complexity and diversity of métro station names as well as the concerted effort made to publicly catalog the history of many stations, the Paris métro can be described as a primary source of memory and commemoration for the French.

The city of Paris is to many a charming location because of its café culture, beautiful parks, and the clichéd baguette and beret wearing locals. Add to this the many world famous monuments like La Tour Eiffel and La Musée du Louvre, and the city becomes irresistible to tourists worldwide. However, the city represents much more than what one finds on a postcard. Instead, the city, through the integration of memory and commemoration with day to day living is a space which honors the past of the French people, while continuing to give it present value. By choosing to make history part of not only official monuments but also through city planning, the French have been able to ensure the survival of events and names which may have otherwise been lost.

"Pardonner, mais ne jamais oublier"- Forgive, but never forget.

On a Thursday afternoon with gray skies, rain drops, and a brisk February wind, traversing the crowds of tourists past Notre Dame, I found a lovely garden with a sign indicating that I had indeed made it to my final destination, the Mémorial des Martyrs de la Déportation. A woman, who seemed more like a retiree turned volunteer than a guard, informed me of the respect which must be shown upon entering—“Les portables doit-etre discrets…Allez-y.” Cell phone off, proceeding ahead, down the steps I went into a concrete grotto decorated with a triangular black installment. Initially the set up of the memorial lead to disorientation; however, as I turned around prison bars caught my eye. Not knowing what to expect before arriving at the memorial, for a second I thought that the black installment was all the memorial had to offer and voila the prison gates were an alternate sortie, but I was sorely mistaken.

Popping my head in the doorway I was pleasantly (or should I say, unpleasantly) surprised to find myself in what can best be described as a gateway to another world, the world of a deportee. The beauty of the other Parisian memorials and monuments which I have become so accustomed to had met its match, being replaced by a dark, drab and claustrophobic space which rivals the Catacombs for eeriness. The writings on the walls, in sharp form and intensity of message, further mentally dragged me into the world of the deportee. The inscriptions told the story which the rest of the memorial could not do through its physical structure alone—200,000, deportees, swallowed, never to return. The words of poet and deportee Robert Desnos and intellectual lines from Sartre bring the memorial full-circle in setting a mood of despair.

After feeling as if the memorial had sucked all of my Parisian joie de vivre for the day, I was able to have a cathartic moment upon looking at the corridor of 200,000 carefully placed crystals which are lit in commemoration of the deported. And at the end, the famous flame which so often burns at tombs of the Unknown Soldier worldwide has taken on a remarkably new role, burning brightly as the flame of the Unknown Deportee, the flame of those innocent men, women, and children who never returned. And so perfectly planned by its architect and designer, my last impression from inside the memorial was of the caption so popular amongst Holocaust (in this case deportation) memorials, but this time en français—“Pardonner, mais ne jamais oublier.”

Bienvenue à Hillsong Paris

I really loved the Bridge, the church I attended last semester, but I was really struggling to get to church regularly because of the 45 minutes to an hour distance I traveled to get there. So, I decided to attend a new church in Paris which I had heard about. It is a church connected to the Christian group Hillsong United—it is called Hillsong Paris. It was an experience unlike any I have had in Paris. The service is bilingual so there is live translation on stage. Worship songs were half in French, half in English. I think the most bizarre part to me was seeing so many French people with their hands raised in worship in the exact same way I am accustomed to people doing at home worship services. Additionally, the church was packed, filled with young and middle aged French people. It has been said that Europe is the “dark continent” which has turned its back on the church over the past century. From my experiences last semester I really felt that way about many of the people I encountered in Europe and specifically in France. So, it was shocking and exciting to see so many French people excited to praise God. At times I felt like I was back at Crescent Lake Bible Camp, as I could see the high school students jumping and clapping during some of the songs. It is really amazing how the message of the Gospel can transcend boundaries, even cultural boundaries which have been built up over generations. Seeing over 300 people praising God in two languages in the heart of the city where beauty means everything was moving. For a part of the service I forgot where I was, but I was quickly reminded that I am still in France when it came time to leave. “Pardons” and “Excusez-mois” could be heard all around, everyone’s outfits perfectly were styled, and of course goodbye cheek kisses were given rather than American hugs.

Evacuation Day

Things have quickly escalated since I last wrote. Two nights of loud gunshots and civil unrest. The military came into our neighborhood yesterday even as our neighbors were protecting the streets with large sticks and machetes. Thankfully they kept looters from stealing anything; however, just a few blocks away in the guys’ neighborhood, the military had to set off fire grenades and the boy students were locked in their apartments scared as the building security locked down their building using mattresses and Molotov cocktails. At our apartment we could only sit and wait as we heard pops of gunfire in the distance. We went to sleep more at ease than the night before with our program director staying the night with us. Today we were woken up—evacuation day. It was a surprise because it happened so suddenly; however, at the same time we knew that it was a possibility. We were told to start packing, we would be evacuated shortly. There was no time to worry about anything except fitting all of our things into the suitcases we stuffed in order to get into Egypt. We packed hastily and waited for the boys to hurry. If someone were to watch our group together waiting to evacuate, they would have laughed as we posed for photos on our “magic carpet” and rapped in the lobby of our building. Stress levels escalated when the “evacuation vehicles” arrived. Well, I should really say it was one vehicle, not the plural. One microbus, as in a van, for how many people? For 14 people—didn’t happen. However, they did manage to stack 14 suitcases on the roof of the van and after negotiations and Egyptians chatting back and forth for about one hour. We rolled through the city, roadblock by roadblock; we finally made it to the main road just to be stopped by military roadblocks. The roads were filled with garbage. We finally made it to the airport. Just when we were about to be done with our crazy ride, I was mistaken for an Egyptian woman and asked to open the bus window. Thankfully our resident director assured the military that I was just an American student. Hopefully that was the last time I will be mistaken for an Egyptian. I am sitting in the airport now. We bought the rest of the food here, galaxy chocolate bars and mars candy bars. Happy evacuation day!

Life in an Authoritarian State

Woke up this morning without internet or cell phone service. The ability to communicate within the country and to people outside of the country has been completely cut off all day. It has left us with a feeling of anxiety and paralysis as we wanted to be in contact with at minimum family in the US as well as each other in case of an emergency. Our grocery shopping plans were canceled and we were asked to return to our neighborhood by the police. The city of Alexandria was eerily calm this morning before noon prayers. The riot police trucks were lined up ready for protests to begin; however, there were hardly any people on the streets. We returned to our neighborhood and grabbed some lunch. News came from the resident director that protests had begun and teargas was fired at the protesters. We went back to our apartments and began watching the news. After being in Cairo for over two weeks, it was shocking to see the never-ending barrage of teargas and fires being set every minute. Watching the live shots of protesters attacking the riot police on the 6th of October bridge gave me the feeling that I was watching a sporting event with the commentator giving a play by play description in the background. At one point, my roommates and I clapped when the protesters took over a riot police truck. After resting for about an hour and a half, I woke up to my roommates saying things had gotten crazy. In fact, the city of Cairo looked as if it was closer to Baghdad than to the cosmopolitan city it is. The jewel and gateway to the Middle East had changed overnight. Soon our resident assistant came over to make sure that we were all ok; however, the guy students were missing—caught in the protests. Thankfully we all were able to be reunited at the girls’ apartment. It was nice to be together as a group and watch the overview of the events that had so quickly unfolded during the day. News came that the President would be addressing the nation; however, the protests continued to escalate, and the ruling party’s building was set ablaze in Cairo. Watching the news has been very surreal. Even as our relatives and friends have been worrying about our safety here, so have we been on high security alert. The feelings we have vary so much from excitement for the people of Egypt to feeling that we have lost so much freedom while here—no internet, cell phone service, limited freedom of movement. However, this feeling of lost freedom does not compare to anything that the people of Egypt have experienced and continue to experience. As an American, I cannot explain how valuable my freedom has become to me after living here. Even as America has its problems, we are possibly the freest people in the world. I cannot say that it is America’s responsibility to do anything to bring about the freedom of the Egyptian people; however, it is our responsibility to support people worldwide in their quest to attain freedom. The Egyptians are sick of being slaves to an oppressive system, and today they have showed us that they will no longer be slaves to the system. Buildings are burning, but the Egyptians are standing strong. They remain solidified in their quest to bring change to Egypt, but at the same time are solidified under their pride as Egyptians. The final shot of Cairo I have seen tonight is of the Egyptian people protecting the precious antiquities at the Egyptian Museum from fire and looters—Egyptians hold on to the parts of the past they hold dear as the parts of the past they abhor burn to the ground.

Welcom to Mesr (Egypt)!

Week one of orientation has been colorful to say the least. Biggest protests in years in Egypt have been happening the past two days in the aftermath of the success of the Tunisian protests. I have had a general feeling of uneasiness since being here; however, I would attribute that to general culture shock. The past two days, I have felt much more uneasy because of the level of high alert as a result of the protests. There is energy in the air. The Egyptian people have taken to the streets. They are asking, begging for change. Fathers and mothers are on the streets with their young children. Businessmen are heading out to protest during their lunch break; however, no change has happened. From the perspective of a non-Egyptian, it doesn’t seem like much more will happen. The energy is there, but as the government noted the protesters have not made their demands “clear.” This is a huge barrier to making a difference; however, who could really blame them for not making their demands clear. In a country with over 40% illiteracy and a high percentage of people under the poverty line, I can imagine why it is difficult to express their demands. Just take a tour bus to the pyramids and you will see poverty firsthand. You will see children picking cabbage in polluted fields and selling postcards barefoot to tourists from around the world. Further, the level of corruption is so high and so common that overthrowing the current government will not be enough to make a difference. In order to make a long term change, the Egyptian people must work to address these fundamental problems. While the protests are an amazing start to change, an equally important step would be for Egyptians to change their society day by day. They must refuse to accept corruption, educational inequity, and the appalling level of poverty in the city and countryside. By refusing to accept these things the people will undermine the government’s power and garner support from nations and people around the world. Yalla, ya Mesr!

Child Soldiers in Northern Uganda

Since the Civil War between the Government of Uganda (GoU) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) began in Northern Uganda in 1986, the humanitarian situation in the region has become dire. Though the citizens of Northern Uganda have all experienced the effects of the Civil War, children have been the most affected, as thousands have been abducted and forced into a life as child soldiers in the LRA. As the conflict continues, the human rights of children in the region are constantly in danger.

Civil War

Since 1986, the GoU has been involved in a Civil War with the LRA movement, which can be traced back to a woman named Alice Lakwena who believed the Holy Spirit spoke to her and ordered her to overthrow the GoU. (Invisible Children) When Lakwena was exiled, Joseph Kony, who claimed to be her cousin, took control. Because he lacked support, Kony and the LRA resorted to abducting children and indoctrinating them into their ranks beginning in the late 1980s and continuing today.

Recent Peace Process

The Juba Peace Talks between the GoU and the LRA commenced in 2006 and concluded in March 2008 with the Final Peace Agreement (FPA) which secured a cease-fire agreement and facilitated valuable discussion about the need to address political and economic problems in the region. (World Vision) They were conducted with EU, UN, and US support in addition to Southern Sudanese government mediation; however, they failed because Joseph Kony refused to sign, as signing would cause him to lose power and face arrest for human rights and war crimes.

Child Soldiers

The LRA attacks villages and displacement camps to abduct children for their ranks. The children are forced to commit acts of violence including cutting off hands, ears, or lips of individuals alleged to be allied with the GoU. (World Vision) The children are as young as eight, and include boys and girls, used to work as child soldiers, or to serve as “wives” of rebels. (United Nations) Since the start of the Civil War, it is estimated that 30,000 to 66,000 children have been kidnapped. (World Vision) Joseph Kony’s waning legitimacy and support from the citizens of Northern Uganda have caused him to resort to the abductions. Since over 90% of the LRA are abducted children, it is evident that the movement is dependent on child soldiers.

Individual v. Collective Rights and State Sovereignty

Understanding the debate between individual and collective rights as well as state sovereignty are key to realizing an end to the conflict. For those who value individual rights, there is motivation to take steps to protecting and restoring the rights of the children in Northern Uganda, child soldiers or otherwise. For those, like the GoU, who value collective rights, there is little motivation to take steps to protecting the rights of children when that might mean compromising political and economic stability, security, and funding available to the rest of Uganda. State sovereignty is important to consider when determining the amount of international presence and pressure in Uganda. Though there is genuine international interest in protecting the human rights of Ugandan children, there is also interest in protecting the sovereignty of the GoU to make decisions about its own country. This presents challenges in the distribution of international aid and peacekeeping.

Past and Current International Responses

The EU, US, and Canada have responded to the crisis in Northern Uganda through domestic legislation, diplomatic support, and humanitarian aid. (Invisible Children) In 2005, the ICC issued an arrest warrant for Joseph Kony. The UN has coordinated aid and support for the 2006 Peace Talks; however, peacekeeping forces have not been provided. (World Vision)

Non-Governmental Organizations The most active NGOs in Northern Uganda are Invisible Children, Resolve Uganda, and World Vision. Invisible Children is committed to seeking sustainable solutions to foster an environment that encourages peace, including educational and economic development. (Invisible Children) Resolve Uganda is concerned with political collective action to end the war. (Resolve Uganda) World Vision began working in Uganda in 1986 and has secured sponsorship for more than 112,000 Ugandan children to ensure their welfare and futures. (World Vision)

Government of Uganda’s Actions In 2008 the GoU, DRC, South Sudan and the Central African Republic launched an attack on LRA strongholds within DRC. (Invisible Children) The GoU has not actively given priority to protecting, rescuing, or rehabilitating children from the LRA, despite national and international laws guaranteeing their basic rights. (World Vision) Police and judicial infrastructures, crippled during the war, are unable to address high rates of sexual violence and other crimes. (World Vision) Though the GoU has created a framework for redeveloping conflict-affected areas, the continued lack of implementation has prevented educational and economic development from occurring. (World Vision)

Future Response I would advocate for a 5 pronged attack: (1)International Engagement and Peace Process, (2)Prevention, (3)Rescue and Rehabilitation, (4)Reconciliation, (5)Economic Development.

The first step towards bringing an end to the issue of child soldiers in Northern Uganda, is bringing an end to the Civil War. Engagement from world leaders could lead to the end of LRA violence and prevent additional children from being used as soldiers. Increased political pressure from citizens of the free world will be required for government and UN action. (Resolve Uganda) Americans have succeeded in lobbying Congress and the US Department of State; however, ensuring that the government follows through on promised actions is necessary. Grassroots advocacy and information sharing worldwide about the situation in Northern Uganda and other LRA-affected areas will garner support and consensus for the peace process. It is only through peace that the abducted children of the LRA will have a chance to lead lives with productive rather than violent opportunities. Even as international engagement is important, ultimately, the responsibility for future stability and the protection of human rights in Northern Uganda falls on the GoU. Following the examples of the Rwandan end to genocide and Sierra Leonean post-conflict rehabilitation of child soldiers should be referred to in order to obtain lasting and meaningful peace.

Conclusion It is critical to bring an end to the human rights violations of children in Northern Uganda. A result of the Civil War, child soldiering will end when the war ends. The GoU has taken limited steps to bringing an end to the conflict and towards protecting and restoring the rights of Ugandan children. Similarly, the UN has not taken a satisfactory role in the peace process. Increased UN presence and assistance will bring hope for swift and sustainable peace.

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